Treatment of the Tsimo, Zimu isithakazelo (clan praise song)

Both the revised version and the short version of isithakazelo are treated seamlessly here.

On AmaZimu

Starting with the shoert version, we note that the praise song is in Sesotho. Those that were interviewed gave no isiZulu version. The only isiZulu word or expression in the praise song is “AmaZimu-Zimu”. 

Speaking in general about the Tsimo or Zimu clan, the speakers expressed the view that the clan name derives from the understanding that the clan used to practice cannibalism. AmaZimu is plural for izimu (ledimo) which is understood to mean the one who eats humans. The equivalent of izimu in the western literature is a giant – but in this case the one that eats humans.

For those who might want to know, cannibalism was widespread during the period of the “wars of extermination” called Difaqane or Imfecane. During that time, tribe after tribe was attacked and dispersed by either Tshaka’s amabutho or Tshaka’s proxies; or by the marauding, dispersed remnants or hordes of tribes that were previously scattered by the war. 

During that period – the first three decades of the nineteenth (19th) century, the important tribe leaders were Tshaka who ruled over the amaZulu, the abaThethwa and all the other defeated tribes in what was then called the land of the Zulu or Zululand by colonists; Moshoeshoe who ruled over Basotho with his headquarters in Thaba Bosiu; Manthatisi who ruled over Batlokwa (the Wild Cat People) based along the Caledon River (Mohokare) on the Free State side of the river; Mpangazitha who ruled over amaHlubi with his brother Mthimunye; Matiwane who ruled over amaNgwane; Milikazi who ruled over amaNtungwa and who paid homage to Tshaka. Later Mzilikazi’s tribe was called Matebele, a name given to his tribe because they dispersed other tribes in their march from Zululand into Free State on the run from Tshaka. 

Matebele is a Sesotho word that comes from the verb “tebela”, to chase away. The one who does “ho tebela” is referred to as “letebela” (the one who chases away), and in plural it is “matebela” according to the rules of Sesotho noun classes. In practice the matebela phonetically became Matebele. It is important to note that neither the Matebele nor amaNdebele themselves have proferred an alternative explanation of the origin of the name Matebele or amaNdebele.  

Returning to the praise song above; the expression “Ke seloma sa mapeko” was not given a definite meaning by the Tsimo people interviewed. However, the expression is in Sesotho. “Ke seloma” will mean “It is the one who bites” or “the biter”, unless there is another meaning attached to “seloma”. The “sa mapeko” refers to the object of the biter with “sa” being the possessive preposition that tells us that “mapeko” is “of” (or belongs to) “seloma”. However, it is not known what “mapeko” means. Just looking at the word, it looks like mapeko is a Sesotho noun of the class “le --- ma”. So, the singular of mapeko is lepeko. But what is the meaning of lepeko anyway? I hope one day we will find the meaning of lepeko or mapeko. It might be possible that the term was used to refer to a certain type of people who were targeted during the practice of cannibalism, or that it refers to a certain part of the body they used to bite, possibly a delicacy.

If it is true that at one point there was a presence of cannibalism among the Tsimo or Zimu clan, “biting” becomes relevant in the praise song. 

Turning to the longer version of the praise song there are inferences to cannibalism in the use of certain words or expressions. Take the following two expressions

Nina benkomo zilal’uwaca,

Ezamadotyena zilal’amakengana

“Nina benkomo” means “you of the cattle”; and “zilal’uwaca” is made of two words, namely, “zilala” means “which sleep” and “uwaca” means “sprawling” or “prone”. In English the first expression then becomes 

“You of the cattle which sleep sprawling”.

The next expression is a comparison of how the cattle of the “amadotyena” slept. Amadotyena is collective noun of the dimunitive of man, in this case it means “small men”. The comparison of the clan cattle is then to the cattle of small men. Zilal’amakengana has two parts, namely, zilala (which sleep) and amakengana (in a squatting position). 

The second expression then means 

“While those of small men sleep in a squatting position”

Both expressions are then translated as follows:

Nina benkomo zilal’uwaca, Ezamadotyena zilal’amakengana

You of the cattle that sleep sprawling (with legs sprawling) While those of small men sleep in a squatting position

What we understand here is that the cattle of the Tsimo clan apparently lived and slept carefree. This may mean that the cattle were not troubled in anyway. It may mean that the cattle were protected against cattle rustlers or the cattle were not the primary source of meat for the Tsimo clan. If the latter is true, it may imply that there was an alternative source of meat for the clan, namely humans. This may be the inference drawn from the expression.

The situation above is contrasted with the cattle of the small men (amadotyena) whose cattle’s manner of sleeping suggest that their cattle were wary of a pending event. For that reason, they slept in a way that would afford them a quick reaction in the advent of such an event. Broadly speaking, it may imply that the cattle were wary of being slaughtered by their owners for meat, and were thus constantly ready to run for their lives, hence the way in which they slept in preparedness.

While on this theme of cannibalism, let us look at the following two expressions

Abadl’umbilini wenkomo kungafanele

Wawufanel’udliwe ngabalandakazi

“Abadl’umbilini wenkomo kungafanele” means “those who ate the cattle entrails” or “those who ate the cattle sex organs”; and as the second expression tells us, “wawufanel’udliwe ngabalandakazi”, which means, “they (entrails) were supposed to be eaten by the poor” or “they were supposed to be eaten by the insignificant”.

We can ask the question why the Tsimo clan ate that which they apparently did not know that is not fit for their (Tsimo clan’s) consumption? We may infer again here that it is because they were not used to eating cattle meat and were thus unfamiliar of the various parts of the cattle that were fit for consumption by humans. Which may mean that they were used to a different source of meat for their consumption – in this case, human flesh. In that way, the Tsimo clan knew the edible parts of the well known source of their meat, but were less familiar with what was fit for consumption where the cattle meat was concerned. 

Lastly, the expression in the praise to look at may or may not relate to cannibalism. The expression is;

Nina bakwa-Maweni

“Nina bakwa-Maweni” may also mean “nina base-Maweni”, which means “those of the caves” or “the people of the place of caves”. If you read the history pertaining to the period of the Difaqane (Imfecane), there are many references to the displaced people living in the mountains in the caves. It is also reported that these people practiced cannibalism due to hunger. This “nina bakwa-Maweni” may be a reference to the fact that the Tsimo clan, or some section of the clan, lived in the caves and practiced cannibalism at some point in history. The geographical place called Maweni (or eMaweni) does not exist in South Africa.

On ukuzila inkatha (amaZilankatha)

Besides the Tsimo clan’s cannibalistic characteristic, the clan is primarily known as “amazilankatha” (mailakgare). The word amazilankatha is a plural for izilankatha. Izilankatha is made up as follows:

IsiZulu                        English

“I-”                   -           refers to a person,

“-zila”               -           shun

“nkatha”           -           grass wreath (grass ring).

Therefore, izilankatha means a person that shuns a grass wreath.

A grass wreath is used to cushion the load borne on the head. This ensures that the load does not cause pain on the skull, it also forms a balanced supporting base for the load, especially a water can or bucket, or any type of load. The bearing of loads on the head is a traditional way of transporting loads – firewood, water, and so on, from one place to another. The inkatha is, therefore, a tool of work. It is not an ornament.

The ama-Zilankatha shun this tool. They further declare that

Mzilankatha

Inkatha ayingen’endlini

Yangena kubola inkaba zabantwana

Which translates into

The one who shuns the grass wreath

The grass wreath is not allowed in the house

Babies’ navels turn septic when the grass wreath is in the house

The inkatha is being shunned for the reason that is not apparent in the praise song; however, the song goes further to describe the effect of keeping the grass wreath in the house, that is, the babies’ navels will turn septic. But this effect of the grass wreath on the babies does not explain the primary reason for shunning the wreath. The relevant question to be asked is, how did the clan carry out normal tasks of bearing loads in life if they did not use the grass wreath?

The answer is derived from the history of the ancestors Mncube, Mlotshwa, Khambule, and others. Mthwakazi published an article on the world-wide-web that gives the history of the amaZilankatha (Mncube, Mlotshwa, Khambule). The amaZilankatha are said to have been the chiefs, and that the clan practiced blacksmith. They were manufacturers of weapons (spears) for the tribes.

Also speaking to the elders of the Tsimo clan, the one notion that came out clear from the interviews was that the sons of the Tsimo clan were always taught by their fathers that they should never be subordinate wherever they are, but that they must always strive to be in the leadership position.

Close to home, the ancestor Madala, Hamlet, Botinti, Makosene, and others,  were self-made enterpreneurs and leaders in their own right. I am certain that there are many other examples of the members of the Tsimo clan who exhibited and are exhibiting the characteristic of leadership in their own sphere in life.

It is this spirit of striving for excellence in successful leadership that informs the reason for shunning the inkatha, which is generally associated with low-level work. That the babies’ navels turn septic when the inkatha is in the house may be a way of instilling discipline and focus in the members of the clan, or it could be just an embellishment.

In addition, the clan is warned that the inkatha should not be burned when disposed of, but it should be left out in the open to disintegrate naturally. I just wonder who would have made and used the inkatha at all, since the clan shuns the inkatha?

On history

The remainder of the expressions in the praise song refers to history and to names of ancestors, those that they related to, and place names.

On history, we see that at one point the clan ran away from Tshaka’s amabutho and were forced to cross the overflowing river. We are also told that when they crossed the river, people were amazed, and the people welcomed the clan members and took them in, and hid them. One may surmise that the people were amazed most probably because the members of the clan crossed the river when it was full, which must have been risky.

We are also told that the Swazis called one of the ancestors, Khambule, Nkambule when he arrived there. This may explain the Swazi surname Nkambule.

We are told about places such as Silutshana where the clan had settled, and that their neighbour was Mbunda.

On behaviour

Certain behaviours and characteristics of the clan are explained. On practice, the clan is described as those that follow the sun when the sun sets in the west. That the clan would lift the chief to a high place or the altar or throne.

On personal characteristics

The clan is said to possess beauty which is not apparent (ostensible); that the clan is uMsuthu whose skin colour is ebony (black), as well as the legs.

On the immediate ancestors

Both versions of the praise song end with the reference to the immediate ancestors of the Qwaqwa section of the clan. 

The Qwaqwa section of the clan encompasses all the members whose immediate ancestors were based in Lesotho and Free State, and who spread out into other provinces with the exception of Zululand.

Isithakazelo conclusion

The project to enumerate the genealogy of the Qwaqwa Tsimo clan is ongoing. All members are requested to submit information that will help build the complete or near complete genealogy tree of the clan. The information can be submitted to the author by means of various methods that appear under the preface to this edition.